Original Documents On Hon J.B. Fonoti Govt. Appointments Of His Wish For Samoa 1954-57. His Petition For Self-Goverment in Dec 1944 And The United Nations Approval in Dec 1946.
The following documents about the wish of Hon Fonoti Mata’utia Ioane Brown were the only information was kept and found from the research inquiry with the Government of Samoa. Further down are copies from the NZ Govt. Archive of the Petition for Self-Government in Samoa in 1944 by Hon Fonoti Mata’utia Ioane Brown, the leader of the Fono of Faipule of Samoa that was directly presented to the Prime Minister of New Zealand the RT. Hon Mr Peter Fraser. Then copies of the United Nations approval for Self-Government in Samoa in 1946 from the United Nations. Also copies on Government trips of Hon Fonoti to New Zealand in the 1940’s and 1950’s. Hon Fonoti Mata’utia Ioane Brown was the leader of the ‘Fono a Faipule’ of Samoa from 1939 to 1947. And was also a ‘Member of The Legislative Assembly’ from 1948, 1950 to 1952 and 1955 to 1957. And from 1954 he was also a member of the ‘Working Committee of the Constitutional Convention of the Government of Samoa. Hon Fonoti Mata’utia Ioane Brown was a leader of the MAU for Atua from 1935 to Vaimoso in1942. The founder and leader of Samoa Democratic Party in 1953.
The Petition for Self-Government in Samoa by leader J.B. Fonoti in 1944 was presented directly to New Zealand Prime Minister Rt. Hon Mr. Peter Fraser and Governor-General Sir Cyral Newall, resulted to approval by the United Nations for ‘Self-Government in Samoa’ on the 13th December in 1946!
Click on image to enlarge size:
THE LEADER OF SAMOA: O TOFIGA O LE MALO MA LE MAVAEGA O HON FONOTI MATA’UTIA IOANE BROWN: HON FONOTI MATA’UTIA JOHN BROWN GOVERNMENT APPOINTMENTS OF HIS WISH FOR THE OFFICIAL CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT OF SAMOA IN 1954-57
HON FONOTI: Hon Acting Chairmen and the dignity of the Convention.
SAMOA, I would say that even though this Convention has been somewhat long, it is now seven weeks since it started, but it is not a thing that we should be downhearted about, and from what I have heard of the expression of options I am convinced that the majority of us here are very keen indeed to secure Self Government – SAMOA INDEPENDENCE!
I AGREE that this Constitutional Convention is something like religious conference because we have very often mentioned the Name of God, whereas this Convention is the Constitutional Convention of the Government of Samoa. I feel that the reason why perhaps we are mentioning the name of God so very often is because we are anxious that A Government of Samoa be Founded in God, AND I WISH TO SAY THEREFORE TO YOU SAMOA WELL DONE INDEED.
I AM CONVINCED THAT SAMOA is very anxious to take over the reins of her Own Government and Regain her rights to take charge of her own affairs. I would appeal to you Samoa, do not worry. Why should we worry? We are present here, we are all Samoans and this is Samoa which is holding this Convention. I would drew your attention Samoa to the fact that we are a Christian Country and this week we will again commemorate the Birth of Christ, the King of Peace on Earth. I would say, therefore, that we should all rejoice and be happy and sing together the ancient hymn ‘Praise be to God on High, Peace and Goodwill unto Men’. Therefore, I would say let us not worry. I am convinced that our people of Samoan are Christians, and where there is right according to the Will of God, there will be success. I would say, therefore, to you to bear in mind that Samoa is a Christian people and as Christians we should certainly exercise, faith, hope and love.
By Faith I mean we should believe there is a God; by Hope I would say that we should meet the temptations of the devil with hope in God; and by Love I mean that we should have that love whereby we will reject all that is bad and all that is not right that we may do, as good Christian people to love God and love our people and do that which is right. Samoa, let us be bound together in that love which should bring us together and do what is right for the benefit of our country in future.
Now I will express my opinion on this question of HEAD OF STATE. Before I actually state what I have in mind I should first like to remind this Convention that I am one of the members of the Working Committee, and our recommendation of course is before you now; but Since listening to the expressions which have been made in this Convention since the time we started I have come to some conclusions and formed my own opinion which I now wish to express before you.
FIRST, I would say that the present Council of State be retained and that its name be changed to Fono of Ta’imua – Council of Leaders.
SECOND, That the four royal sons of Samoa be in that Council.
THIRD, that the Hon Tupua Tamasese and Hon Malietoa, as they are at present, the Head of State, But for the future that there be only ONE Head of State and that the Head of the State be selected from within that fono of Ta’imua, And that the four nominates the Head of the State. If they are unable to do that then the matter should be referred to the Legislature for final action.
THOSE ARE MY WISHES to this question of Head of the State and I would say if we should do that and carry hope, faith and charity in our hearts, and trust in our Lord, and trust in our own people, I am sure we will succeed and be bound together in Unity and Friendship. And I would say not only for the present, but also for the future, so that the very words written in our flag which is flying above us now “GOD IS THE FOUNDATION OF SAMOA” may be always in our hearts. I have many other points which I would have liked to speak about but time is short.
Sir, I move that the Steering Committee comprising 5 Samoans and 2 Europeans namely:
Hon Leutele Te’o,
Hon Gatoloai Peseta,
Hon To’omata and Va’ai Kolone,
Hon H.W. Moors and Hon A.M. Gurau, BE CONFIRMED.
Hon Fiame Mata’afa Faumuina Mulinuu (ii) as for the first Prime Minister of the Government of Samoa – (Hon Fonoti called a meeting and confirmed this OFFER with his district and family of Sa-Levalasi at Lotofaga Atua).
(Note: just for the first page 158 is from book Samoa mo Samoa by Professor J.W. Davidson)
THE PETITION FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT IN 1944 BY LEADER OF THE FONO OF FAIPULE HON FONOTI MATA’UTIA IOANE BROWN THAT WAS DIRECTLY PRESENTED TO THE NEW ZEALAND PRIME MINISTER THE RT. HON MR FRASER.
THE UNITED NATIONS APPROVAL FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT IN SAMOA ON DECEMBER 13TH 1946! A RESULT FROM THE PETITION IN 1944 BY HON FONOTI TO NZ PM HON MR FRASER. COPIES FROM THE UNITED NATIONS.
HON FONOTI OF WESTERN SAMOA RATED SAME LEVEL AMONGST SOME OF THE GREATEST PEOPLE IN THE WORLD LIKE GANDHI IN INDIA AND FOUR OTHERS FOR WORLD PEACE AND FREEDOM 1945
From Book: The Evolution of International Human Rights; visions seen; by Paul Gordon Lauren. Edition 2. (Page 176: Chapter 6) Peace And A Charter With Human Rights.
Book Intro: Paul Lauren makes clear the truly universal nature of this movement by drawing into his discussion people and cultures in every part of the globe. Paul Gordon Lauren is the first person to be named as a Regents Professor at The University of Montana. He is an internationally-recognized teacher and scholar on diplomacy, international relations, and human rights. In this regard, the book offers particularly remarkable revelations and insights when analyzing the impact of wars and revolutions, non-Western nations, struggles against sexism and racism, liberation movements and decolonization, nongovernmental organizations, and the courage and determination of countless numbers of common men and women who have contributed to the evolution of international human rights. This new edition incorporates the most recent developments of the International Criminal Court, the arrest of Augusto Pinochet and the trial of Slobodan Milosevic, technology and the Internet, the impact of NGOs like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, globalization, terrorism, and the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks. Professor Lauren has presented many lectures throughout the United States and around the world to a wide variety of audiences, including students and professors, the general public, activists, analysts, attorneys and judges, professional diplomats, legislators, and policy makers. He also has delivered invited addresses before the Smithsonian Institution, the Nobel Peace Institute, and the United Nations.
Leader Hon Fonoti of Western Samoa Global Recognition For World Peace And Freedom 1945.
Peace, in their mind, thus required that “all human beings, irrespective of race, creed, or sex, have the right to persue both their material well-being and their spiritual development in conditions of freedom and dignity, of economic security, and equal opportunity.
Many also began to define peace as more clearly entailing the protection of civil and political rights for all people. After their own recent history, they will no longer willing to accept the old proposition that how a government treated its own people remained an exclusive and simple matter of “domestic jurisdiction.” The crushing of all opposition, the denial of freedom of speech and assembly, the elimination of due process, and the expansion of the power of the state over the lives of individuals and groups by Hitler, Mussolini, and the militarists in Japan – all behind the protective shield of national sovereignty – convinced them that the abuse of rights at home could all too quickly spill over national borders and lead to war and even genocide. “As basic human rights are protected in each country, the prevention of war is made easier,” declared the Commission to Study the Organisation of Peace. The reason for this, they believed, could be stated directly and in light of recent experience:
Now, as a result of the Second World War, it has become clear that a regime of violence and oppression within any nation of the civilized world is a matter of concern for all the rest. It is a disease in the body politic which is contagious because the government that rest upon violence will, by its very nature, be even more ready to do violence to foreigners than to its own fellow citizens, especially if it can thus escape the consequences of its acts at home. The foreign policy of despots is inherently one which carries with it a constant risk to the peace and security of others. In short, if aggression is the key-note of domestic policy, it will also be the clue to foreign relations.
The ordeal of this particular war similarly contributed to the concept that any lasting peace would require an implementation of the right of self-determination. Part of this, of course, resulted from the many promises made by the Allies to distance themselves from their adversaries and to solicit support for the larger crusade. They promoted the idea at every opportunity that the right of all people to choose the form of government under which they would live remained one of the most essential ingredients of any peace settlement.Thus, the Atlantic Charter, the Declaration of the United Nations, the many speeches by Allied leaders, and even the Declaration on Liberated Europe emerging as late as February 1945 from the Yalta Conference between the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union all fostered this belief. But there was something more as well. The war produced millions of new European victims of aggression at the hands of the Axis powers. As a result, their own first-hand experience made them much more sympathetic than ever to the sufferings of others forced to live under conquest and subjugation, including those indigenous people within their colonial empires, who vowed that there could never be lasting peace as long as they were denied their freedom. Thus, many victims in the west began to join with many others like Gandhi in India, Ho Chi Minh of Indochina, Nkrumah and Kenyatta of Africa, Carlos Romulo of the Philippines, and Fonoti of Western Samoa in regarding the right of self-determination as absolutely necessary for international peace.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: on Page 207
Simultaneous with these intense debates on the new human rights agenda were those that raged over the right of self-determination. World War II had released powerful psychological and political forces in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Middle East, and the Pacific demanding rights for indigenous peoples and an end to colonial empires. These clashed directly and often violently with the resistance of the imperial powers to surrender control over their possessions. Simultaneous with these intense debates on the new human rights agenda were those that raged over the right of self-determination. World War II had released powerful psychological and political forces in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Middle East, and the Pacific demanding rights for indigenous peoples and an end to colonial empires. These clashed directly and often violently with the resistance of the imperial powers to surrender control over their possessions.
Considerable pressure had been bought to bear by the majority of states to write provisions into the Charter concerning the Declaration Regarding Non-Self-Governing Territories, recognizing the principle that the interests of the inhabitants of these lands were paramount and pledging to work toward self-government and to authorize the creation of an International Trusteeship system within the United Nations. But this represented only a tenuous compromise. The majority within the General Assembly, who themselves had once been victims of imperialism, still were not satisfied, and decided to push further. Instead of having only imperial powers serve on the Trusteeship Council, for example, they elected such well-known vocal opponents of colonialism as China, Iraq, Mexico, and the Soviet Union. They battled over the text of each and every trusteeship agreement, trying to drive the specific conditions toward a greater emphasis on the rights of the peoples of these territories. In this regard, they strongly criticized a number of the early draft proposals from the colonial powers, but praised the commitment from the New Zealand that its agreement with Western Samoa would be “in effect a self-contained Bill of Rights for the inhabitants.
They adamantly rejected the plan by South Africa to annex South-West Africa and passed two important resolutions. One of these sought to take reports about the conditions within the trust territories and place them in the hands of the General Assembly as a whole where they could be discussed by determined and vocal advocates of decolonization. A second resolution called on those members who administered trust territories to convene special conferences of representatives of the peoples living in these lands in order that they might articulate their wishes and aspirations for self-government. Such action, they declared, would help to give practical effect to both the letter and the spirit of the human rights provisions within the Charter itself.
Paul Gordon Lauren, Ph.D. Biography:
Paul Gordon Lauren is the first person to be named as a Regents Professor at The University of Montana. He is an internationally-recognized teacher and scholar on diplomacy, international relations, and human rights. He has published many articles, chapters, and eleven books, all or portions of which have been translated into seven different languages, including the widely-read Force and Statecraft, the highly-acclaimed The Evolution of International Human Rights: Visions Seen nominated for a Pulitzer Prize, and the award-winning Power and Prejudice: The Politics and Diplomacy of Racial Discrimination. Professor Lauren has received the Distinguished Scholar Award, Outstanding Advisor to Students Award, the Most Inspirational Teacher Award, the Robert Pantzer Award, and the Award for Distinguished Service to International Education at The University of Montana as well as the CASE Professor of the Year Award and the Governor’s Humanities Award. He served as the founding director of the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Center and as the Mansfield Professor of Ethics and Public Affairs. In addition, he has been a Senior Fulbright Scholar, a Senior Fulbright Specialist, a Woodrow Wilson Fellow, a Peace Fellow, a Rockefeller Foundation Humanities Fellow, and a Distinguished Lecturer for the U.S. Department of State. Professor Lauren has presented many lectures throughout the United States and around the world to a wide variety of audiences, including students and professors, the general public, activists, analysts, attorneys and judges, professional diplomats, legislators, and policy makers. He also has delivered invited addresses before the Smithsonian Institution, the Nobel Peace Institute, and the United Nations.
More details on the book:
The evolution of international human rights: visions seen
By Paul Gordon Lauren
Edition: 2, illustrated
Published by University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003
ISBN 081221854X, 9780812218541
397 pages. (Copy of Page 176 from book below)
From Book: Samoa mo Samoa, by Professor J.W. Davidson:
At the beginning of June two major events gave further evidence of the growing reality of the new political era. On 1st of June 1948 the newly authorized flags of Samoa-the Samoan flag (which had just been adopted) and the New Zealand flag, flown conjointly, were raised ceremonially for the first time. An official anthem, ‘The Banner of Freedom’, had been composed for the occasion. In the wave of sympathetic emotion which the occasion generated the country gained a national flag, a national anthem and a national day, all of which established a hold on the people’s minds and survived as part of the ceremonial superstructure of the nation state that they were engaged in creating. The next day the High Commissioner opened the first session of the Legislative Assembly. (Pages of book Samoa mo Samoa below)
Immediately after the general election of 1951, Hon Fonoti had taken the novel step of calling a public meeting of Samoans to consider the formation of a political party. Out of this action the Samoan Democratic Party emerged. Men as varied in their outlook as Hon Fonoti himself, the practical businessman, in Hon Fonoti’s case, to retain Political Office. During its first year the party claimed a membership of about three hundred and the support of a substantial proportion of the untitled people; after that it gradually declined. But the election of Hon Fonoti to the Fono of Faipule late in 1951 and his return to the Legislative Assembly in 1954 Gave It A Place In The Formal Political Life Of The Country; and others who were associated with it have since served in Public Office. Though it was never able to function effectively as a pressure group, it’s more important policy proposals were brought clearly before the public; even thou the Party died, its Ideals have lived on in the form of demand for Universal Surfrage with Matai Candidacy, the replacement of The Fono a Faipule and The Legislative Assembly by One Body, and Personal Tax Services. Original copies as follows:
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF WESTERN SAMOA, 1954:
Hon. Fonoti on pp. 290-291: “Hon. Chairmen and Members of this Convention.
Now is the time when all Christian people throughout the world are waiting to commemorate the birth of our Savious, Jesus Christ, and I should say therefore that Samoa should, together with the Angels in Heaven, at this time sing joyously ‘Goodwill to All Men’ and give praise unto the Lord. I say, therefore, Samoa be courageous and steadfast. This is the thing which was started by our parents who are now passed away, and therefore we should be steadfast and should support what our fathers started. The dignity of this Convention represents the dignity of the people of Samoa throughout the island and we should support and endeavour to carry out what our forefathers started. Samoa is a Christian nation and I do not think that any of us can find a non-Christian in Samoa. I say now before you that if we are not united and if we do not support and trust our leaders I do not think we shall secure what we are striving for. I am really happy indeed to see that we have realised what we have been striving for because who thought that we should come to see this day and to be in the position we are now in? I should therefore like to state before this convention how much I appreciate what our forefathers have done for us and I say ‘praise thee unto the Lord on high’ and pray that Samoa will remain peaceful.
Perhaps I have said enough and now I should like to say what I have in mind not because I’m a member of the Working Committee but because I should like to say that in as far as I am concerned I am wholeheartedly in agreement with all that has been put before us now and on the matter on which I would like to comment first is the question of Suffrage.
I would say to the Members of the Convention, please be calm; we are here to express our opinions and our views and what is good we should accept and what is bad we should reject. I have agreed because I realise the position that we are in and also the wishes of our people. I feel so anxious that we should establish our Self-Government firmly. Considering the progress of our people and in respect of our population and the progress of education in our country, I feel therefore duty-bound to say what is in my mind for the sake of our people and for the sake of our people and good of our future. Taking the position of the matai as it is now in our country today, the number of matai is as has been from the creases and the situation is that instead of the matai position growing it is not growing.
I feel if we realise the importance of Universal Suffrage as it is throughout the world then we shall give consideration to this point because if we allow all people to vote and have a say in the affairs of Government then I feel the position of the matai will be very secure indeed for the future. But if we do not accept such a procedure for the present then as time goes and as knowledge increases and as our children become educated and as our population increases I fear that I shall thoroughly regret that time when it comes.
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF WESTERN SAMOA, 1954:
Hon. Fonoti on p. 369:
“Messrs. Chairmen, in order that the matter be fully clarified I should like to say that the other reason why the Committee arrived at this recommendation was that after the period of three powers there was created here the position of two Fautua. That position has been well kept up to the present and the Samoans have witnessed the peaceful relationship existing in the country. As explained by one member, any frequent changes made will lead to trouble in the country, and I suggest that the position of two Fautua should be quite sufficient in the meantime. Samoa under the two Fautua has been living under peaceful and harmonious conditions.”
LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF SAMOA, DEBATES, AUGUST SESSION 1954:
Hon. Fonoti, pp. 62-63: “Mr. President, Hon. Fautua and Hon. Members of the Assembly. I was not going to speak on this matter, but since the matter has been discussed in detail and since it has become more serious in the minds of some Hon. Members I would like to contribute my opinion in connection with this matter. The relationship between this Legislative Assembly and the New Zealand Government, which is regarded as our trustee, is well understood in the minds of all Hon. Members of this Assembly and I think it is well understood also by all the people of the Territory. We have strived hard during the past and we are still striving towards that very goal which is dear to our hearts and that is a government to be governed by the people of this territory. We as representatives of the people should bear in mind that the opportunity given to us at this stage should be made use of, and, therefore it is up to us to work peacefully, harmoniously and in a friendly manner so as to enable us to achieve that very goal and we, that side of the House and this side of the House, are charged with the task of working together and co-operating together to reach that very goal. I regret, however, to say that ever since the opening day of this Assembly we have heard adverse comments by Members which to my mind is purely a non co-operative spirit. I would like to stress this point that there is nothing harmful to the progress of Samoa towards its goal.
I would like to refer to Standing Order 166 which is in itself self-explanatory. There is nothing here referring to any of the Executive Council members becoming Chairmen of any Standing Committee of this House. I, therefore, plead with you Hon. Members of the House on that side, the five elected members of the European Community, that I have a good understanding of the qualifications which you have in connection with matters concerning the welfare of our people and I ask you to be good enough and try and impart the knowledge you have so as to familiarise your brothers on this side in matters concerning the welfare of this country, and at the same time I pray that you will work together with us on this side towards that common aim.
Hon. Members of this House I again stress this point that it is no use saying that you have the interest of the Samoan people at heart when you are acting against it. Therefore, let us remember that if we are to row our boat to safety we must pull together and not as each rower pleases as nothing good can be gained by the Samoan government by so doing. I wish to repeat myself Sir, that I would like to see all members of representatives of the people who are present in this House working together for the common cause of our people.
I would like also to mention that we have before the House an amendment moved by one Hon. Member to the effect that ex-officio members of the Executive Council should not be allowed to vote or move any amendment in the various Standing Committees, and, if that is the attitude taken in this House as expressed by amendment moved by that Hon. Member we can never work ourselves in peace and in harmony.
In conclusion, I would say this that you and all of us here are representatives of the people and if we have the interest of our country at heart then we must try and work and pull together in order to gain what we hold dear in our hearts. The problem which we are facing now is, I think in the minds of one and all – the future self-governing State of Samoa.
HON FONOTI MATA’UTIA IOANE BROWN: LEADER OF FONO OF FAIPULE OF SAMOA 1939 TO 1947.
HON FONOTI MATA’UTIA IOANE BROWN ON HIS GOVERNMENT TRIPS TO NEW ZEALAND IN THE 1940’S AND THE 1950’S
HON FONOTI MATA’UTIA IOANE BROWN OF LALOVAEA AND LOTOFAGA ATUA 1901-74. HES A DESCENDANT OF KING FONOTI TUPU TAFA’IFA OF SAMOA. PICTURED IN 1955.
SAMOA’S FREEDOM FROM NEW ZEALAND GOVERNMENT AND THE BRITISH EMPEROR APPROVED AND CONFIRMED! – WESTERN SAMOA’S INDEPENDENCE.
POLITICAL REFERENCE: Hon Fonoti Mata’utia Ioane Brown of Lalovaea and Lotofaga Atua. Born: 1901, Died: 1974. He is a direct descendant of King Fonoti Tupu Tafa’ifa of Samoa. – INFO
The First Samoan Successful Businessman, And a Very Successful Politician:
1. The Leader of ‘The Fono of Faipule’ of Samoa from 1939 to 1947.
2. The Leader of the MAU in Atua from 1935 to his last year for the MAU at Vaimoso in 1942.
3. The Chairman for the Public Works Committee from 1948.
4. A Member of the ‘Legislative Assembly’ from 1948 to 1952 and 1955 to 1957.
5. A Member of the ‘Working Committee of the Constitutional Convention of the Government of Samoa 1954 to 1957.
6. The Founder and Leader of The Samoa Democratic Party established in 1951/1953.
7. He was the first appointed joint Directors of the Bank of Western Samoa 1962/1963.
8. A Member of the Copra Board of the Government of Samoa from 1957 to 1972.
9. The Petition for Self-Government in 1944 by Hon Fonoti leader of Fono of Faipule that he presented directly to New Zealand Governor-General Sir Cyral Newall in June, and much more directly to the Prime Minister the Rt. Hon Peter Fraser on the 20-26th of December the same year 1944. The United Nations approval on the 13st December 1946. The newly Samoan flag was raised on the 1st June 1948. Samoa’s Freedom confirmed!
10. A Major Global Recognition of Fonoti of Western Samoa, hes rated at the same level as Gandhi in India and three others for World Peace and Freedom 1945.
From Book: The Evolution of International Human Rights; Visions Seen: Edition2: by Regents Professor Paul Gordon Lauren.
Peace and a Charter with Human Rights: (chapter 6: Page 176)
Thus, many victims in the west began to join with many others like Gandhi in India, Ho Chi Minh of Indochina, Nkrumah and Kenyatta of Africa, Carlos Romulo of the Philippines, and Fonoti of Western Samoa in regarding the right of self-determination as absolutely necessary for International Peace.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: (Page 207)
The well-known vocal opponents of colonialism as China, Iraq, Mexico, and the Soviet Union. They battled over the text of each and every trusteeship agreement, trying to drive the specific conditions toward a greater emphasis on the rights of the peoples of these territories. In this regard, they strongly criticized a number of the early draft proposals from the colonial powers, but praised the commitment from the New Zealand that its agreement with Western Samoa would be “In effect a Self-contained Bill of Rights for the Inhabitants.
Click on url links below to view more on Hon J.B. Fonoti leadership from original copies of Fono of Faipule proceedings and petition to NZ PM Hon P. Fraser in 1944:
(“e ufiufi a le tama’imoa i le tanoa, ae ioio lava..”)